Naomi Osaka, parasocial interaction and the mystification of the press conference

This weekend No. 2 ranked women’s tennis player Naomi Osaka pulled out of the French Open because she said mandatory media availabilities were bad for her mental health and she did not want her decision to distract others. Osaka’s decision became a controversy because the French Open and certain media clout chasers chose to make it one.

You will not read any criticism of Osaka here. In an individual sport like tennis, athletes must look out for themselves because no one else is there do it. Athletes who give voice to their own mental health challenges are doing so in the context of an industry that really does not care about them. This is not a complex question, or even much of a close call.

Yet the defense of Osaka has extended into questioning the entire purpose of media availability in sports, especially press conferences. Athlete contracts require media duties, but if athletes need to be compelled to do them under the threat of fines (Marshawn Lynch, for instance), maybe they should not have to. Perhaps social media can do all this work; Osaka’s personal explanation for pulling out of the French Open did boffo numbers on Twitter.

I think if we are going to have a real conversation about all the ways media interacts with sports in the digital age, we need to be clear about the terms of the engagement. Sports still need media coverage if they wish to grow. Athletes need the media if they want to make endorsement dollars. And media is the necessary component of sports being a major societal institution, a site where protest and resistance (such as Osaka pulling out of the semis of tournament to protest police brutality) can be meaningful.

When you strip away all the context, no sport is really that interesting.

Tennis, for instance, is just two people standing 78 feet apart trying to smash fuzzy green balls past each other. Without context it might be fun to watch for a few minutes, but without being able to read meaning into the game, it gets old. What makes tennis (or basketball or any other sport) interesting is the narrativization. Once we read meaning into a game, the esoteric skills connect to an unfolding story. We may identify with an athlete on our screen, we may recognize patterns in the action, or we may come to connect the player or teams with our identities in some way.

Those connections largely originate in mediated content. Game broadcasts are the main conduit. But we also consume feature stories in newspapers, gauzy packages pregame shows, snippets in highlights or clips of interviews. A single anecdote about an athlete will be repurposed in multiple formats, so that story can reach the broadest possible audiences.

All of this helps us build parasocial relationships with sports figures. A parasocial relationship is the belief we build strong connections with mediated representations. It has been studied most deeply in fictional contexts but has been found in the case of newscasters and athletes as well. Basically, the stories we consume though media give us reasons to care about the games and the people who play them. Naomi Osaka has fans cheering on her resistance to media duties because she has developed a following through mediated representations.

The press conference is a tool of media management. The purpose is to provide access to key sources – no matter how awkward – in the hopes that journalists and will write about what the source has to say. Journalists participate because they want access to sources who just as soon would not talk to reporters. A press conference is designed so the worst reporter in the room can get the raw material they need to produce a runnable story.

Moreover, the press conference is stacked in favor of the person with the microphone. When an athlete chooses to tee off on a reporter, the athlete looks like the protagonist. Televised press conferences are bad for journalism because the contrived setting and the defensive questions mean that when audiences watch reporting being done, they understand it to be a little ridiculous. Fans usually do not form parasocial interactions with beat writers.

A press conference gives athletes the opportunity to shape what the reporters write. They can explain what happened in the match, build their own narratives, and create the basis for the parasocial connections that can be cashed in for endorsement deals. Moreover, they only talk once rather than having to answer the same questions over and over. The questions athletes get are less substantive questions because the tougher ones reflecting exclusive reporting will not be burnt in a group interview setting.

From a reporter’s perspective, the press conference is bad, but it is better than nothing.

After a year of watching games without fans in the stands, there should be no illusions about what high-level sports are, media content. The French Open needs to provide enough potential material to make it worthwhile for news organizations around the globe to send reporters for Paris for two weeks. They want this because media content about their event makes sponsorships and TV rights more valuable and protects the status of the event. Achieving the widest possible media exposure matters for every sports entity each outlet’s audience is smaller than it used to be. More media availability is needed to achieve the same reach. That reach is what makes everyone money.

Osaka opting out for French Open pressers for mental health reasons is different from dropping media availabilities entirely.

I support finding ways to make post-event availabilities more humane, but media rules never trend toward more access. As politics get more symbolic, we need critical voices to contextualize promotional narratives. Game coverage is the most common and least important thing that sports journalists do at work. It is a necessary, but minimal component of the profession.

Sports reporters are often imperfect, and no one will miss post-match filler questions if they vanish. But cutting journalists out of sports is worse in the long for everyone involved, including fans.

Goodhart’s Law and the administration’s failure on COVID-19

This is a chart of the NFL’s rush attempts per game by team during the 2019 season:

nFL Rushing 2019

Most of these teams (75%) made the playoffs in 2019, including the top seeds in each conference. All of them won at least seven games. This suggests some correlation between running the ball more and winning. Football fans know that teams who have leads tend to run the ball more in the second halves of games in order to take time off the clock more quickly. More running is often a signal that a team is ahead, and teams that are ahead more often are usually good (My 2019 Detroit Lions being a notable exception).

That said, if an NFL team decided to call only running plays on its first 30 snaps that team likely would not win very much. This is because the relationship between running and winning emerges from ebb and flow of football games, in which coaches call a strategic mix of run and pass plays meant to maximize success in specific situations. Artificially inflating rush totals by running when it doesn’t make sense would break the connection between this metric (runs per game) and wins.

This would be predicted by Goodhart’s Law, an idea from economics that says when a metric becomes a target, it ceases to be a useful measure. People in these situations adjust their routines to game the metric rather than engaging in the activity that made the measure a useful signal of productive activity.

Goodhart’s Law explains a lot about why the administration’s response to COVID-19 has been so poor and why we are sitting in our houses for the next two months or whatever. The administration spent the winter entirely focused on gaming two specific metrics — the number of COVID-19 cases in the United States and the Dow — rather than preparing for the pandemic.

Confirmed cases

Remember when that cruise ship was quarantined in Northern California and the president resisted bringing the people ashore? Trump said very clearly his thinking was based on keeping the numbers low:

“I’d rather have the people stay,” Trump said, while also noting that he left the final decision in the hands of his administration’s coronavirus task force.

“I would rather — because I like the numbers being where they are — I don’t need to have the numbers double because of one ship that wasn’t our fault,” Trump said.

Obviously a politician wanting good numbers isn’t exactly a news flash. But that exchange is a clear signal that gaming the metric was a presidential priority. Indeed, not having a test available earlier stemmed from the administration’s choices, which also contributed to keeping the confirmed cases artificially low. Back in January, the low number of confirmed test (the metric) was a signal the virus was not here in large in numbers. By late-February, trying to keep that number low meant it no longer was a meaningful measure of the prevalence of COVID-19 within our borders. In fact, gaming the metric meant it was providing false data.

The Dow

We know that Trump views the stock market as an important measure of his success in office because he’s told us that.

The stock market is a prediction about future growth. A company’s share price goes up when the company is projected to do well over time. This is because investors buy a stock with the intent to sell it for more than they paid later. The stock market is not the economy, but it is a signal that companies are expected to do well in normal economic conditions.

When the markets started falling due to COVID-19, much of the president’s response was focused on gaming the Dow. On Friday, Trump’s mid-afternoon press conference focused on help seemed to buoy stocks so much that he literally printed out a picture of the stock chart and signed it for Lou Dobbs. But then we spent the whole weekend inside, and local governments basically moved to shut down all economic activity. We are inside waiting for an all-clear that might be weeks or months away. Gaming the Dow produced one-day bounces that didn’t last. Indeed, by the end of the trading Monday, all those gains were gone and then some. As I type this, the Dow is lower than it was when Trump took office. 

The only thing that is going to put the Dow on a proper footing is going to be the promise of the resumption of more normal economic activity. And we’re probably weeks away from that. Attempts to game this metric illustrate the essential unseriousness of federal efforts to address the virus. It is an attempt to salvage a signal of optimism rather than do the hard work necessary to deal with the virus.

Gaming metrics is what you do when you see everything as public relations, untethered from any real conditions in the world. Whatever happens next, focusing on manipulating metrics rather than the actual dangers COVID-19 posed will have prolonged and exacerbated this crisis.

You can’t communicate yourself out of a sluggish response to a pandemic. We can’t ignore when dead bodies start to stack up.

The Journalist: “Some female writers of the negro race” (Jan. 26, 1889)

I found this while doing research for another project, but thought it was relevant to post today after the New York Times posted its long overdue obituary of Ida B. Wells. The Journalist was an early newspaper trade publication, which is an interesting source for examining how journalists talked among themselves. This was printed Jan. 26, 1889 where the paper listed some of the better known black women in the press.

The Journalist: January 26, 1889

I shared the section on Wells on Twitter earlier today, but here’s the whole story.

Eight rebuttals to Trump’s bad and wrong ESPN Tweet

So our media-critic-in-chief had some thoughts about ESPN this morning. Here is why he is wrong:

You mostly can’t just drop ESPN

Just about everywhere in the country, ESPN is a part of basic cable. If you are a sports fanatic with cable, you have ESPN. If you think sports exemplify all the terrible and corrupt things about our postmodern hellscape of a society, but you really like HGTV and The Food Network, you have ESPN.

This has been a good deal for ESPN, which charges cable systems a carriage fee per subscriber no matter who watches. But as we can increasingly tailor our television offerings to fit our tastes and get our TV through the Internet, people are seeking out cheaper option. For instance the Sling Blue offerings let you get HGTV, the Food Network and not ESPN for $20 a month. ESPN is popular, which is how it gets away with charging cable companies more than $7 to carry it. But it also inflated cable bills to the point where people, sports fans and not, are cutting the cord.  To what extent are ESPN’s subscriber losses people who never watched ESPN to begin with? It’s at least some of them.

OK, but maybe the politics make people less devoted to ESPN

This isn’t a bad argument actually. And perhaps we are seeing cultural shifts away from sports fandom. This may be a long-term effect of sports leagues embracing cable TV’s money in the early 1990. Limiting the reach of your broadcasts means you don’t hit certain segments of people and therefore diminish your cultural importance. Sports are still bigger than basically every other subculture, but attract less of a share of the population than they might have in the past. This might make them more willing to give us ESPN.

ESPN doesn’t matter the way it used to matter

Look, ESPN used to explain sports in way not available anywhere else. But now we have the Internet, and I do not have to wait for SportsCenter to get my scores and highlights. I use the ESPN app on my phone for that. So the non-game programming is simply less important to me. As for the game programming, ESPN hardly ever showed my teams anyway. Like if you aren’t a Boston Red Sox, New York Yankees, Golden State Warriors or Cleveland Cavaliers fan, you aren’t going to see your favorite teams on ESPN all that much. As I consider my own cable options in this crazy year where I’m living in two places at once, my main consideration is getting Milwaukee Bucks games, which mostly means I need Fox Sports Wisconsin not ESPN (Come on ESPN, more Giannis).

ESPN is no longer the all-sports network

ESPN has made its big bets on the NFL, NBA and big-time college sports. These are the most popular sports by many measures so this makes complete sense.

But not everyone is a fan of every sport. If you are a baseball fan, ESPN has increasingly less to offer you having made cutbacks to staff and programming in the last round of layoffs. You still get a few games a week, and the Sunday broadcast is good, but nightly Baseball Tonight is gone. And baseball fans have it great compared to hockey and NASCAR fans who get almost nothing from ESPN in terms of highlights and analysis and certainly no live events. Is this politics or market-based choices? Now, if you were inclined, you could make demographic arguments about the fan bases of hockey and NASCAR and perhaps try to line them up with voting patterns – actually hold on, anyone want to do a paper on this?

Sports were always political

I get that people mostly tune into sports as entertainment. I do it too and there is nothing wrong with that until you get to the point where you are stuffing your fingers in your ears going “NA-NA-NA CAN’T HEAR YOU.”

Think about last night’s NFL game between the Texans and Bengals. It started with the national anthem. It probably did not have a military flyover, but those shows of military might pregame are not rare. It was played in a stadium built with public funds that will cost local taxpayers nearly $1 billion over the life of the financing. Stadium costs actually took up 16.4 percent of the Hamilton County, Ohio Budget in 2010, money not being spent on any other civic priority. The players were largely trained at public universities (JJ Watt, Go Badgers, hope your finger is OK) and before that at public high schools around the country. The NFL team owners are billionaires because of the tax code. Labor laws govern the business relationships between the owners and players. The bulk of the money comes from broadcast rights, which are a mix of the legacy of giving away the public airwaves, laws creating a property interest in the broadcasts of the game and FCC policy governing the growth of cable. All layers of the game are shaped by political choices. And this is even before we starting going cultural studies and talking about the dramatization of the workplace and the racial and gender politics of sports on display.

We are really talking about other things

When people are complaining about the rise of politics on ESPN, they are complaining about people talking about cultural changes in ways they might not have done previously. People point to major moments of ESPN losing its way, like conservative Republican Caitlyn Jenner winning an ESPY award or Michael Sam kissing his same-sex partner after being drafted or Kaepernick coverage. And maybe Jenner was a manufactured event. But if you report sports news as a network, how on earth would stories like Sam and Kaepernick not count? Moreover if the players are increasingly speaking out politically because the calculus of sponsorship has changed, what does it mean for a league’s broadcast partner to actively suppress that?

Sheeple, you’re demanding propaganda.

Nostalgia is stupid and bad

The good old days of sports are invoked to describe manhood and toughness and pride and selflessness and any other virtue you want to argue for. Somehow the past was always better. Except in sports, the good old days also signified an era of owner power and media control that made our sports narratives simple. Go back far enough and you never have to deal with a person of color if you are so inclined.

But accounts of decline in sports are often arguments against broader social change. The good old days were not always good for everyone, which is why people within the sports industry fought for change internally and by enlisting people in society at large. And look, we’re all guilty of this. Most of us are not in the industry and view sports through our own lens as fans. And our fan experiences are forged when we are young and things seem simple. The Bad Boy Pistons, the first team I ever loved, were perfect in every way. And I’ll hear nothing bad about them, especially our special envoy to North Korea, Dennis Rodman.

The Anti-PC position as expressed on TV is intellectually vacant

When the White House Press Secretary declares a statement by a television broadcaster “a fireable offense,” that is an expression of what some might call political correctness. Sarah Huckabee Sanders is defining an idea as unworthy of consideration in the public square. To put it another way the chief spokeswoman for the executive branch of the United States federal government – literally the most powerful force that has ever existed on earth – is declaring an idea off limits. God help us if they ever decided to put any actual force behind those words.

Look, I get that people are uncomfortable with college students shutting down speakers, declaring entire worldviews racist and bringing social sanction against those who want to promote unpopular ideas. But chanting college students don’t have nuclear weapons or police power to enforce political dogma. It is fine to chafe against the social sanction they do have. It might even be healthy. But if you are taking a principled position against PC culture, you need to address actual power differentials. And you need to stand up when it is being wielded against people you don’t like. Otherwise, you’re being intellectually dishonest and I get to dismiss you entirely.

The NCAA Tournament: Of Metrics and Morality

We are all smiles here in Madison because our lovable and woke-as-hell Badgers toppled defending champion and top overall seed Villanova in the NCAA men’s basketball tournament yesterday. We are even getting as chesty as our Midwestern sensibilities will allow.

But as the college basketball press pieces through the wreckage of the nation’s brackets, it seems to have stumbled on a worthwhile question: Why was Wisconsin playing as an 8 seed at all? The Badgers won 25 games this year and finished second in the Big Ten. Teams that did worse than the Badgers and lost to them multiple times this year entered the bracket as higher seeds. It did not make sense.

The answer appears to be that the Badgers racked up those 25 wins against the wrong teams.

The NCAA has used something called the Ratings Percentage Index to select and seed the at-large teams for its tournaments since the 1980s. The RPI ranks the 351 men’s Division I college basketball teams on the logic of you are who you play. If you play good teams and beat some of them, you rank higher than if you play terrible teams and beat most of them. The Badgers’ played teams like Central Arkansas, Prairie View A&M and Chicago State early in the season. Its preseason strength of schedule ranked in the 300s, said ESPN. The RPI has widely acknowledged problems. Primarily, it is biased toward teams from major conferences, because those teams play a tougher schedule. This makes it more difficult for smaller programs to get invitations to the tournament. But that is the so-called objective measure the NCAA uses. Most bracket predictions before Selection Sunday had the Badgers in the 5 or 6-seed range. But ESPN said Wisconsin’s final RPI was 36, which suggests it was closer to being a nine than a seven.

Ridiculous, said those who watch college hoops obsessively (not me).

But what exactly makes it ridiculous? Is it the eye test? Is it the four seniors the Badgers start? Is it the tournament pedigree of the program? Is it taking the start of the season more seriously than the slump over the last three weeks of the season? Is it wanting activists Nigel Hayes and Bronson Koenig in the postseason as part of sports reporting’s newfound liberal ethos? (By the way aren’t we missing the hot conspiracy theory for the Badgers’ seeding? The committee did not want Nigel Hayes, who is suing the NCAA over amateurism, to find his way to the Sweet Sixteen.)

The logical call is for better metrics to be used in building a tournament bracket, and the NCAA appears to be working on that. At a meeting this winter, the debate seemed to be between using results-based metrics like RPI or predictive metrics like some of the other rating systems, or else figuring out how to combine the two systems. Understand though that the choice of metrics is a moral decision, not a statistical one. Should NCAA tournament bids be a reward for a good regular season or should they be handed out for reasons combining results and other factors? And if you say other factors should be included, what factors? Now we are discussing values. What is the good and right way of being a college basketball team?

Whatever rating system, or combination of rating systems, the NCAA selection committee uses in creating its postseason tournament has to allow it to look at 351 teams at once. There may be many ways to do this and better systems are always a good goal. Every decision, however, moves away from RPI’s biases and toward a different set of problems. If we are going to value point differentials or efficiency ratings, we are operationalizing assumptions about how basketball works at this level. We are defining the primary ways we can judge the relative quality of teams who will never share a floor (sharing a floor being the best way to compare teams). No ratings system is a value-free rendering of truth. They are numerical outcome of a set of hypotheses about what makes a team good or not. Better metrics can only get us to a perfect bracket when we agree on the perfect way to play basketball. Maybe the Golden State Warriors have discovered that. Or maybe – and this is what I suspect – there are lots of ways to play winning basketball.

What does it mean to get the bracket right anyway?

Does it mean giving the best teams the clearest possible path to the Final Four? Is an upset actually a failure by the committee?  That cannot be right. I am old enough to remember Thursday night when everyone was complaining that the first day of the tournament was deathly boring had been rendered boring by the lack of upsets. Should the committee use the bracket to engineer drama in the early rounds? That sort of necessitates putting teams like Wisconsin on the 7 or 8-line, so they can get early cracks at the elite teams? That hardly seems fair to the Gonzagas and Villanovas of the world, though not crying for Goliath is the ethos of the tournament.

There are no perfect systems. Perhaps we may just take joy in the tinkering.

 

Red Press Box, Blue Press Box

This is an age in which the power of the press box in Sports is waning. More people than ever are contributing to our sporting discourse, which is good and proper. So it seems a little odd to be enmeshed in a discussion about the political leanings of the diminishing number of elite sports writers.

But we are, and apparently, they’re all liberals now, writes Bryan Curtis. Maybe they always were, although my experience in sports media suggests not. Either way, the contemporary elite sportswriter is likely to talk politics on Twitter and elsewhere.

Conservative Michael Brendan Dougherty argues that the liberalism of sports journalism is actually managerialism. Rather than challenging the status quo, he says left-leaning sports reporters have adopted a view of sports that reinforces, rather than challenges, the power of the bosses. The larger argument is a case for conservatism as a stance toward the world (as distinct from the Milo-infused political movement we have come to know and spend our time blocking on Twitter). Where Curtis suggests that writers have adopted the perspectives of players and moved left, Dougherty thinks they are a new version of the tech press that venerates the geniuses in charge. Rather than liberal, sportswriting has become a techno-libertarian profession.

The buzzword of the techno-libertarian is disruption, which is often a political force masquerading as value-free technological or economic progress. In reality disruption alters distributions of wealth and power. This can be good or bad depending on the effects; but disruption for its own sake is the ideology of psychopaths. As a conservative, Dougherty wants us to see how tradition could theoretically provide a set of resources for people resisting disruptive change. This is not wrong, although it takes a benign view of nostalgia. Too often, however, tradition operates as a bulwark against addressing injustice. I grant that injustice can be hard to accept as a problem in contemporary sports culture, but it’s not exactly far below the surface.

If overtly political sports journalism is the hot new trend, I think it is less a reflection of the profession and more about the way news organizations and journalists chase audiences. The onus is now on sports reporters to generate a following in the social media world, which research has shown helps them establish credibility. Some sportswriters talk about their kids online. Others about Bruce Springsteen. And others about politics. If it seeps into coverage, well, that is part of the same story. The traditional output of the sportswriter, game stories and notebooks, are holdovers from a print-only era sports journalism. They do not generate many clicks. For example: this is a perfectly acceptable beat story and I care deeply about Giannis Antetokoumpo’s excitement level about the second half of the season.  I also know I’m part of one of the smallest fan bases in the NBA. That story had seven Facebook shares when I linked it.

When Jabari Parker praised the Bucks’ decision to stop staying in Trump hotels back in November, the story got more than 1,200 shares. Charles F. Gardiner was reporting, not giving a hot Trump take. But that story did better online because it crossed over from the traditional sports audience to a general readership. We are no longer in the days in which writing about the tribulations Jackie Robinson faced on the road with the Dodgers earned Roger Kahn a telegram from the desk reading “Write sports not politics.” Now that same telegram would be a text message and it would have said, get more clicks or get a new job.

Sports reporters are no longer just writing for a local audience that was potentially more conservative that the general population. They are writing for the entire Internet-connected world. Bucks fans constitute a small audience. The union of Bucks fans and politics fans make up a larger one.

Former ESPN Ombudsman Robert Lipsyte said that he saw many complaints from viewers after the network showed Michael Sam kissing his same-sex partner to celebrate his drafting by the then-St. Louis Rams.

Lipsyte said those who complained felt they were being forced to confront what they viewed as a political issue in what they felt should be an apolitical space. But what space can be apolitical? What spaces are not shaped entirely by the social forces and arguments that make up our political life?

When people say politics should be separate from sports, I think are leaving out the word “oppositional” to modify politics. A football game that starts with a national anthem and an Air Force flyover cannot possibly be divorced from nationalism and militarism. A stadium built with public funds represents a series of political choices. A professional sport in which most of the players receive their vocational training in public institutions represents political choices. A football game in which most of the players will lack the longterm access to health insurance to treat the lingering effects of playing represents political choices. But if politics are the means by which we contest distributions of wealth and power, then demanding a space free of those is a call to preserve the status quo. That is a political choice too. There is no hiding from politics in the stadium.

That sports fails to transcend politics is not a knock on sports. Nothing transcends politics. That sports has all the social ills that infect the rest of the world does not make sports bad or wrong. And it does not mean that every article about a sporting event should be calling for Full Communism.

Rather it means when these issues become salient, sports journalists cannot duck them. The word “journalist” in the job title is just as important as “sports.” If news organizations are going to devote resources to sports, they should not just be producing hagiographies of players and coaches. They should be looking at the whole picture, the good and the bad. In this case the economic imperative and the ethical one match up. If that reads as liberal that may be because many levers of power are controlled by not particularly liberal people right now. But sports journalism operates on a limited political spectrum.

Funneling everything through the left-right prism is not particularly helpful here, because those are not fixed points on the political compass. The electoral system is a very limited way to think about politics anyway and certainly ignores social movements and some of the truly oppositional voices. Many sportswriters are problematizing the Washington football team’s mascot, but virtually no one is asking whether the system of private team ownership that allows one man to make this decision is OK.  People are arguing for greater gender equality in sports. But few sportswriters question whether the norm of gender segregation is overused; why have gender-specific competition in sports like curling or archery or equestrian? These questions have often been the province of writers outside the mainstream, especially writers who are not white men.

Meanwhile, I just saw an ESPN Interview with Mike “I’m a Man, I’m 40” Gundy about his haircut that included the chryon “Calls his mullet the Arkansas Waterfall” so maybe the political overtones of modern sports media are slightly overstated.

Colin Kaepernick and the protest paradigm for athletes

In the next few hours we will learn whether Colin Kaepernick’s very public stance against police brutality over the past two weeks will cost him his job. For those of you who don’t follow football, let me be clear—before his protest, Kaepernick was controversial for on-field reasons. His performance has declined since his outstanding first two years in the league. Like most NFL teams, the 49ers are not exactly blessed with great talent at the quarterback position. But Kaepernick nearly won a Super Bowl, whereas his competitor for the starting job, Blaine Gabbert, has reportedly watched a Super Bowl (he likes the commercials, I think).

The 49ers just might be mad enough to cut Kaepernick anyway, and NFL Insiders suggest he will not find another job, because to NFL front offices protest is on par with paying to have your pregnant girlfriend murdered. You read that right.

kaepernick3s-2-web

I’m old enough to remember when his tattoos were what people objected to.

Activism has many dimensions, including the communicative goal of keeping issues like police brutality on the public agenda. The policing issues Kaepernick wants us to be talking about are a good example of this. Activists use the tools at their disposal — social media, direct action – to force the press to talk about their issues. It is the press that takes their claims to general audience. This is not a simple transaction because the news media does not transmit activists’ message exactly the way the senders might prefer. This is actually what we at a societal level want the press to do, taking up issues by fact-checking claims so that audiences understand a range of perspectives on an issue. The basic trade-off is that a communicator trades control over a message for reach.

But those who study media coverage of protest have found this is not often how it works. They have identified a series of techniques rooted in journalistic norms they call the protest paradigm, which, in practice, marginalize voices of opposition. The most common is simply ignoring protests altogether. Others include allowing officials to define the terms of the protest, critiquing tactics, treating activists as inherently unserious, and focusing on norm violations (violence, property destruction, etc)

But those who study media coverage of protest have found this is not often how it works. They have identified a series of techniques rooted in journalistic norms they call the protest paradigm, which, in practice, marginalize voices of opposition. The most common is simply ignoring protests altogether. Others include allowing officials to define the terms of the protest, critiquing tactics, treating activists as inherently unserious, and focusing on norm violations (violence, property destruction, etc)

Black_Bloc_demonstrators_at_J20

A riot may be the language of the unheard, but journalistic norms prioritize violence and property damage, which means the goals of a protest that turns violent will be ignored by the press (Creative Commons).

 

Is that true of coverage of athlete protests too? In Kaepernick’s case, fairly traditional aspects of the protest paradigm are clearly applicable. Declining to stand for the anthem is a tactic meant to spur discussion of police brutality. Most of the public conversation, however, has fixated on the method of his protest rather than the issue he is protesting. The subject has effectively been changed to a debate about the meaning of standing for the national anthem. Is it about the troops? Is it to honor America? Is it a marketing ploy? Lots of things can be true at once.

Declining to stand for the anthem is a tactic meant to spur discussion. Fixating on the act of declining to stand is a means of changing the subject. Is standing for the anthem before the game about the troops? Is it to honor America? Is it a marketing ploy? Lots of things can be true at once. Within protest, tactics can clearly overwhelm message, but fixating on tactic is a choice.

Others have questioned Kaepernick’s right to speak for various reasons. Maybe he is no longer a good quarterback.

Maybe he makes too much money to have opinions on social justice (yep, in the 2016 election season).

Or he is plugged into Twitter’s activist community and therefore misinformed.

https://twitter.com/WhitlockJason/status/769563895543410688

Or he lost the right to call attention to discrimination against people of color when he was adopted by a white family.

As with any nonviolent protest, this backlash is part of the point. The quality of the critiques against him is there for everyone to see, keeping the discussion alive. And in that sense, Kaepernick has used his high visibility to good effect.

Yet, this episodes also highlights the ways some of the assumptions of the protest paradigm may not apply to athletes. Unlike most social movement actors, professional athletes have easy access to the media. Sports organizations, like political candidates and basically nothing else, have traveling press corps. As a quarterback, Colin Kaepernick will have no trouble finding a conduit for a message. The WNBA receives orders of magnitude less coverage than the NFL, but when players spoke out on the same issues it was pretty well covered.

The protest paradigm may manifest differently in sports because our athletic spaces have a different cultural resonance than a demonstration on a downtown street. Kaepernick’s norm violations go beyond declining to stand for the national anthem. What he (and other athletes) are challenging are the idea that sports and politics are separate.

That is probably why Kaepernick’s defenders are reframing his actions as a reflection of national values. Protest, speaking out against injustice is a fundamentally American impulse they argue, and those would object to that are the real un-Americans. As Kareem Adbul-Jabbar put it, standing and sitting for the anthem are essentially the same act. I am comfortable with this contradiction because it expresses my own view of patriotism; loving America means wanting it to get better.

But rhetorically, to posit something as American is to defuse some of its political charge. “American values” are the things we all agree on while we’re busy debating what the top marginal tax rate should be. But if critiquing the state is an expression of national pride then no oppositional politics can ever exist. If speaking out against perceptions of injustice is fundamentally American, then we can completely gloss over the specific injustices. It is enough to be talking. If the protest paradigm is, as some argue, rooted in minimizing threats to the status quo then the apoliticality of sports must be protected.

And that’s not Kaepernick’s point because he’s making a specific claim about a specific injustice. Abdul-Jabbar understands this of course, and he is trying to neutralize objections so people will listen to what Kaepernick is saying. His last paragraph makes that clear.

What should horrify Americans is not Kaepernick’s choice to remain seated during the national anthem, but that nearly 50 years after Ali was banned from boxing for his stance and Tommie Smith and John Carlos’s raised fists caused public ostracization and numerous death threats, we still need to call attention to the same racial inequities. Failure to fix this problem is what’s really un-American here.

Under present conditions, athletic activism can be especially potent because those articulating protest messages have both existing (if one-way) relationships with politically diverse audiences and access to the means of mass communication. Yet the convening of that audience and those media resources derives from this imagined apoliticality. Americans view sports as a common gathering space where everyone comes together to cheer on the home team. Everyone is mad at Colin Kaepernick and every other athlete who speaks out because he and they are bringing politics into sports. It threatens a lot of media and financial infrastructure, which has been built around establishing sports as apolitical. The protest paradigm preserves that infrastructure rather than endorsing any specific position.

Mike Wilbon, analytics and power

Mike Wilbon’s look at place of sports analytics in black sporting discourse is much more interesting than the sneer of derision he usually applies to the topic on PTI. It’s a good reminder that data-driven commentary is one mode of sports discourse, but far from the only one. If statistical writing on sports seems ubiquitous, it is in part because the subset of fans who read obsessively provide the clicks to keep sites who can offer that rather than access reporting. But it is not present in, say, television broadcasts, where the emphasis remains on narrative.

The last third of the column starts to address the way analytics and power are intertwined, but it scratches the surface and you have to work to get there.

The old school/new school framing at the beginning obscures the way this debate is about power (and mirrors discussions occurring in workplaces everywhere). Wilbon’s familiar curmudgeon schtick on analytics is best typified here:

The greater the dependence on the numbers, the more challenged people are to tell (or understand) the narrative without them. Makes you wonder how people ever enjoyed or understood the dominance of baseball king Babe Ruth or boxing champ Joe Louis or Masters Tournament co-founder Bobby Jones. Imagine something as pedestrian as home runs and runs batted in adequately explaining Ruth’s overall impact.

This pining for the good old days leaves aside that home run and RBI totals in ARE analytics. They may be simple by today’s standards; you just have to count stuff, what fun is that? But they are performance measurements. We keep those totals because we think they provide meaningful information about baseball players. The first newspaper sportswriter, Henry Chadwick, invented a statistical language to understand baseball so he and his ilk (PTI word!) could describe it to people back in the 1860s.

Statistics and analytics are one very common way of knowing a sport. There are other ways of course, through narrative for instance. But a story about a guy breaking out of a slump is rooted in a hybrid approach. That data tells you in he was not hitting and the personal interview tells you how he managed it. Wilbon was trying to draw line between traditional stats and modern analytics, but that is not a meaningful distinction.

More importantly, those traditional stats were a regime of knowledge about sports. The statistics invented by Chadwick around the Civil War still persist to this day in baseball (batting average, runs, home runs, RBIs). They structured how we actually knew and made sense of the game. Fans, executives, managers, players and sportswriters measured players’ value through these numbers. The rise of analytics challenged this authority over knowledge of the game. Suddenly the strategies long espoused by managers and writers were challenged and could not stand up to scrutiny. The stats I grew up reading in the in Detroit Free Press sorted hitters by batting average because that was the obvious way to measure the worth of a hitter in the 1980s. In hindsight, how did that ever make sense? Why were we ever so picky about how a batter gets on base? It was just tradition.

To hear Michael Lewis tell it, analytics liberated baseball from the hands of the sport’s lifers who were trapped by groupthink. That’s one way to think about it. Another way is that baseball front offices recalibrated how they valued data in relation to experience. Suddenly, 40 years of experience in the game was not enough to justify a sacrifice bunt in the fifth inning. Needing a regression analysis to justify stealing a base redistributed power in a baseball organization. It determines who gets to be a general manager and who never advances past pitching coach. Sportswriters were part of this group who saw their control over sports knowledge

But this comes back to Wilbon’s best point. This is a gross oversimplification, but the racial politics in baseball were less clear because it was white Ivy League graduates replacing white people with high school educations. Basketball’s racial makeup means the sport’s lifers are more likely to be black. They too are being replaced by Ivy League hotshots building models that I have a hard time understanding. Wilbon is right that the embrace of analytics is a way of keeping people not rooted in a specific way of knowing basketball out of power hierarchies, or preventing them from advancing. And in basketball the racial divides are easier to see.

The thrill of victory, the media ritual of defeat

Perhaps you’ve heard that Carolina Panthers quarterback Cam Newton was not in the mood to talk after his team’s Super Bowl loss last night. This is what the NFL said he had to say:

Then he walked out. For this he has been criticized by some athletes and media members while being defended by others. The Internet will work that out.

For me, the violation of apparent norms usually points to other questions. In this case this is, what does any athlete owe the press in the aftermath of a game?

Sports are rituals. In the Super Bowl, defeat itself is a ritual, a series of patterned actions meant to neatly resolve the country’s most-watched TV show. I have researched political concession, which is a similar ritual. After the result is clear, the candidates engage in a series of actions and speeches meant to confer legitimacy on the process and turn political discourse toward unity. They do this via the media and for the media. The press disseminates these performances and then, acting as the public’s representatives, sanctions them. One of the things media members look for from losing candidate is graciousness. Journalists and pundits want to praise defeated candidates for bravely facing the worst moment of their life. The expectations and incentives for the candidate are clear.

We treat defeated athletes the same way. Remember a few weeks ago when Vikings kicker Blair Walsh missed a short field goal to cost his team a playoff game? He earned praise for standing up and taking every question from the press afterward. It was a performance of responsibility taking. As the linked piece from Deadspin says though, Walsh did not have any answers for how his 27-yard kick veered wide. Trying to make sense of it in a very public way read as admirable. Last night (I can’t find video of this) Carolina coach Ron Rivera did the traditional postgame interview outside the losing locker room, giving an upbeat 20-second answer to a question from a reporter doing his best impression of a funeral director. The CBS panel then praised Rivera for his graciousness.

There is an element of boundary work in media members playing up the importance of speaking to the media. Sports journalists feel their place in the media system is under siege. If Newton posts his thoughts about the game on the Players Tribune or Uninterrupted this week, it further erodes the sports journalists’ jurisdiction over sports news. In a time of limited resources, why send reporters to one of the most expensive cities in the country for a week if they are not going to write a complete gamer? That audience members see this as important is interesting for the way it constructs the press as an actor in the sports media system. It also illustrates how integral the media are in how we experience events.

Cam Newton is contractually obligated to speak with the media. His bosses demand that he attend media sessions. They do not require him to be engaging, thoughtful, introspective or patient with silly questions. Choosing not to give reporters what they want is anyone’s right, of course. “How are you feeling” is a personal and intrusive question. Saying he just should have sucked it up and been fake for five minutes is silliness. I’ve been on deadline and know that these postgame interviews are there so reporters can replace the <<CAM QUOTE>> placeholder they have in their half-written stories. The postgame presser is a transactional space; the player trades his statements for the chance to shape the story and media goodwill. Equating the production of usable pablum with character, though, is strange.

I expect the criticism Cam Newton will face this week is worse than the criticism a white athlete or coach would face. Bill Belichick faces no penalties for violating these rituals (this is from after the 2014 AFC Championship, and is not all that different then what Newton did, at least the first 2 ½ minutes). He gets to carve out limited exceptions. Peyton Manning was not defined by throwing his offensive line under the proverbial bus in 2006 in a press conference after the AFC Championship game. Neither were particularly gracious.

Whether you read Newton’s sullenness as disrespectful or as a sign that he cares so much he cannot hide the pain of losing depends on your view of him coming in. I assume that it feels terrible to lose a Super Bowl (I am a Detroit Lions fan, so I don’t know if I will ever find out what it is like to even root for a team that loses one). Deadlines are deadlines, but the entire system is populated by people with emotions who are processing events. That is easy to forget when there is a TV show to produce and game stories to get written.

To me, the interesting discussion is how this whole ritual demands packaged performances rather than honest displays of emotion. Those clearly are tied to social expectations for the people who inhabit various roles. Peyton Manning is the Platonic version of the NFL quarterback and someone who can produce “perspective” on a moment’s notice. Cam Newton is neither, at least not yet. Maybe both can be OK?